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Understanding Jewish Influence III: Neoconservatism as a Jewish Movement by Kevin MacDonald

The current issue of Occidental Quarterly has this article as its feature. They require a subscription, but I feel that they deserve the money for the work they are doing. Mr. MacDonald has done much more than name the Jew.
Partial Text of Article

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Understanding Jewish Influence III:

Neoconservatism as a Jewish Movement

Kevin MacDonald

Over the last year, there has been a torrent of articles on neoconservatism raising (usually implicitly) some difficult issues: Are neoconservatives different from other conservatives? Is neoconservatism a Jewish movement? Is it “anti-Semitic” to say so?

The thesis presented here is that neoconservatism is indeed a Jewish intellectual and political movement. This paper is the final installment in a three-part series on Jewish activism and reflects many of the themes of the first two articles. The first paper in this series focused on the traits of ethnocentrism, intelligence, psychological intensity, and aggressiveness.1 These traits will be apparent here as well. The ethnocentrism of the neocons has enabled them to create highly organized, cohesive, and effective ethnic networks. Neoconservatives have also exhibited the high intelligence necessary for attaining eminence in the academic world, in the elite media and think tanks, and at the highest levels of government. They have aggressively pursued their goals, not only in purging more traditional conservatives from their positions of power and influence, but also in reorienting US foreign policy in the direction of hegemony and empire. Neoconservatism also illustrates the central theme of the second article in this series: In alliance with virtually the entire organized American Jewish community, neoconservatism is a vanguard Jewish movement with close ties to the most extreme nationalistic, aggressive, racialist and religiously fanatic elements within Israel.2

Neoconservatism also reflects many of the characteristics of Jewish intellectual movements studied in my book, The Culture of Critique3(see Table 1).

Table 1: Characteristics of Jewish Intellectual Movements

  • A deep concern with furthering specific Jewish interests, such as helping Israel or promoting immigration.
  • Issues are framed in a rhetoric of universalism rather than Jewish particularism.
  • Issues are framed in moral terms, and an attitude of moral superiority pervades the movement.
  • Centered around charismatic leaders (Boas, Trotsky, Freud).
  • Jews form a cohesive, mutually reinforcing core.


    or here


    The current situation in the United States is really an awesome display of Jewish power and influence. People who are very strongly identified as Jews maintain close ties to Israeli politicians and military figures and to Jewish activist organizations and pro-Israeli lobbying groups while occupying influential policy-making positions in the defense and foreign policy establishment. These same people, as well as a chorus of other prominent Jews, have routine access to the most prestigious media outlets in the United States. People who criticize Israel are routinely vilified and subjected to professional abuse.270

    Perhaps the most telling feature of this entire state of affairs is the surreal fact that in this entire discourse Jewish identity is not mentioned. When Charles Krauthammer, Bill Kristol, Michael Rubin, William Safire, Robert Satloff, or the legions of other prominent media figures write their reflexively pro-Israel pieces in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, or the Los Angeles Times, or opine on the Fox News Network, there is never any mention that they are Jewish Americans who have an intense ethnic interest in Israel. When Richard Perle authors a report for an Israeli think tank; is on the board of directors of an Israeli newspaper; maintains close personal ties with prominent Israelis, especially those associated with the Likud Party; has worked for an Israeli defense company; and, according to credible reports, was discovered by the FBI passing classified information to Israel—when, despite all of this, he is a central figure in the network of those pushing for wars to rearrange the entire politics of the Middle East in Israel’s favor, and with nary a soul having the courage to mention the obvious overriding Jewish loyalty apparent in Perle’s actions, that is indeed a breathtaking display of power.

    One must contemplate the fact that American Jews have managed to maintain unquestioned support for Israel over the last thirty-seven years, despite Israel’s seizing land and engaging in a brutal suppression of the Palestinians in the occupied territories—an occupation that will most likely end with expulsion or complete subjugation, degradation, and apartheid. During the same period Jewish organizations in America have been a principal force—in my view the main force—for transforming America into a state dedicated to suppressing ethnic identification among Europeans, for encouraging massive multiethnic immigration into the U.S., and for erecting a legal system and cultural ideology that is obsessively sensitive to the complaints and interests of non-European ethnic minorities—the culture of the Holocaust.271 All this is done without a whisper of double standards in the aboveground media.

    I have also provided a small glimpse of the incredible array of Jewish pro-Israel activist organizations, their funding, their access to the media, and their power over the political process. Taken as a whole, neoconservatism is an excellent illustration of the key traits behind the success of Jewish activism: ethnocentrism, intelligence and wealth, psychological intensity, and aggressiveness.272 Now imagine a similar level of organization, commitment, and funding directed toward changing the U.S. immigration system put into law in 1924 and 1952, or inaugurating the revolution in civil rights, or the post-1965 countercultural revolution: In the case of the immigration laws we see the same use of prominent non-Jews to attain Jewish goals, the same access to the major media, and the same ability to have a decisive influence on the political process by establishing lobbying organizations, recruiting non-Jews as important players, funneling financial and media support to political candidates who agree with their point of view, and providing effective leadership in government.273 Given this state of affairs, one can easily see how Jews, despite being a tiny minority of the U.S. population, have been able to transform the country to serve their interests. It’s a story that has been played out many times in Western history, but the possible effects now seem enormous, not only for Europeans but literally for everyone on the planet, as Israel and its hegemonic ally restructure the politics of the world.

    History also suggests that anti-Jewish reactions develop as Jews increase their control over other peoples.274 As always, it will be fascinating to observe the dénouement.


    I thank Samuel Francis for very helpful comments on the paper. I am also grateful to an expert on Leo Strauss for his comments—many of which were incorporated in the section on Leo Strauss. Unfortunately, at his request, he must remain anonymous. Finally, thanks to Theodore O’Keefe for his meticulous editorial work and his monumental patience.

    Kevin MacDonald is Professor of Psychology, California State University (Long Beach), and the author of A People That Shall Dwell Alone (1994), Separation and Its Discontents (1998), and The Culture of Critique (1998), all published by Praeger.


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    1. MacDonald 2003a.

    2. MacDonald 2003b.

    3. MacDonald 1998/2002.

    4. Muravchik (2003) describes and critiques the idea of Trotsky’s influence among neoconservatives.

    5. Steinlight 2004.

    6. Friedman 2002; Young Jewish Leadership Political Action Committee (

    7. Kessler 2004.

    8. Horrigan, “Bush increases margins with AIPAC.” United Press International, May 18, 2004.

    9. See Buchanan 2004.

    10. Buchanan 2004.

    11. B. Wattenberg interview with Richard Perle, PBS, November 14, 2002 ( The entire relevant passage from the interview follows. Note Perle’s odd argument that it was not in Israel’s interest that the U.S. invade Iraq because Saddam Hussein posed a much greater threat to Israel than the U.S.

    Ben Wattenberg: As this argument has gotten rancorous, there is also an undertone that says that these neoconservative hawks, that so many of them are Jewish. Is that valid and how do you handle that?

    Richard Perle: Well, a number are. I see Trent Lott there and maybe that’s Newt Gingrich, I’m not sure, but by no means uniformly.

    Ben Wattenberg: Well, and of course the people who are executing policy, President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, Connie Rice, they are not Jewish at last report.
    Richard Perle: No, they’re not. Well, you’re going to find a disproportionate number of Jews in any sort of intellectual undertaking.

    Ben Wattenberg: On both sides.

    Richard Perle: On both sides. Jews gravitate toward that and I’ll tell you if you balance out the hawkish Jews against the dovish ones, then we are badly outnumbered, badly outnumbered. But look, there’s clearly an undertone of anti-Semitism about it. There’s no doubt.
    Ben Wattenberg: Well, and the linkage is that this war on Iraq if it comes about would help Israel and that that’s the hidden agenda, and that’s sort of the way that works.
    Richard Perle: Well, sometimes there’s an out and out accusation that if you take the view that I take and some others take towards Saddam Hussein, we are somehow motivated not by the best interest of the United States but by Israel’s best interest. There’s not a logical argument underpinning that. In fact, Israel is probably more exposed and vulnerable in the context of a war with Saddam than we are because they’re right next door. Weapons that Saddam cannot today deliver against us could potentially be delivered against Israel. And for a long time the Israelis themselves were very reluctant to take on Saddam Hussein. I’ve argued this issue with Israelis. But it’s a nasty line of argument to suggest that somehow we’re confused about where our loyalties are.

    Ben Wattenberg: It’s the old dual loyalty argument.

    12. Chalabi’s status with the neocons is in flux because of doubts about his true allegiances. See Dizard 2004.

    13. MacDonald 1998/2002, Chs. 3, 7; Klehr 1978, 40; Liebman 1979, 527ff; Neuringer 1980, 92; Rothman & Lichter 1982, 99; Svonkin 1997, 45, 51, 65, 71–72.

    14. Lindemann 1997, 433.

    15. Wrezin 1994.

    16. MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 7; Hollinger 1996, 158.

    17. In Hook 1987, 215. For information on Lubin, see:

    18. Mann 2004, 197.

    19. “Not in the Newsroom: CanWest, Global, and Freedom of Expression in Canada.” Canadian Journalists for Free Expression:; April 2002.

    20. Bamford 2004, 281.

    21. Moore 2004.

    22. In B. Lamb interview of Judith Miller on, June 17, 1990.

    23. The Times and Iraq. New York Times, May 26, 2004, A10. Okrent (2004) notes that the story was effectively buried by printing it on p. A10.

    24. Okrent 2004.

    25. See examples in MacDonald 1998/2002, Preface to the first paperback edition.

    26. Tifft & Jones 1999, 38.

    27. MacDonald 2003b; Massing 2002.

    28. Massing 2002.

    29. Cockburn 2003.

    30. Cockburn 2003.

    31. Massing 2002.

    32. Jerusalem Report, May 5, 2003.

    33.ADL Urges Senator Hollings to Disavow Statements on Jews and the Iraq War. ADL press release, May 14, 2004; These sentiments were shortly followed by a similar assessment by the American Board of Rabbis which “drafted a resolution demanding that Senator Hollings immediately resign his position in the Senate, and further demanded that the Democratic Party condemn Hollings’ blatant and overt anti-Semitism, as well” (USA Today, May 24, 2004); the American Board of Rabbis is an Orthodox Jewish group that regards Sharon’s policies as too lenient and advocates assassination of all PLO leaders: see An article of mine on this issue (MacDonald 2003c), published by, was also said to be “anti-Semitic” by the Southern Poverty Law Center: “Civil rights group condemns work of CSULB professor”; Daily Forty-Niner (California State University–Long Beach) 54(119), May 16, 2004.

    34. Daily Google-News searches from May 6, 2004 to May 29, 2004. During this period, several articles on the topic appeared in the Forward, and there were articles in the Baltimore Jewish Times and the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Summary articles written in the Jerusalem Post and Ha'aretz more than three weeks after the incident focused on anxiety among American Jews that Jews would be blamed for the Iraq war. (J. Zacharia, “Jews fear being blamed for Iraq war,” Jerusalem Post, May 29, 2004; N. Guttman, Prominent U.S. Jews, Israel blamed for start of Iraq War,” Ha'aretzMay 31, 2004).There were no articles on this topic in Hollinger-owned media in the United States.

    36. Morris 2003.

    37. Goldberg 2003; Kaplan 2003; Lind 2003; Wald 2003.

    38. Francis 2004, 9.

    39. In Francis 2004, 9.

    40. Buchanan 2003.

    41. Muravchik 2003.

    42. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 4.

    43. North 2003.

    44. In Drucker 1994, 25.

    45. Cannon was not Jewish but lived his life in a very Jewish milieu. He was married to Rose Karsner.

    46. Drucker 1994, 43; “A younger, Jewish Trotskyist milieu began to form around him in New York” (35).

    47. In Drucker 1994, 43.

    48. Francis 1999, 52.

    49. Drucker 219.

    50. Drucker, 261.

    51. Drucker, 179.

    52. Drucker, 288.

    53. In Drucker, 305.

    54. Vann 2003.

    55. A short history of the Socialist Party USA. As with everything else, there was an evolution of their views on Zionism. The Shachtmanite journal, the New International, published two articles by Hal Draper (1956, 1957) that were quite critical of Israel; this journal ceased publication in 1958 when the Shachtmanites merged with the Socialist Party USA.

    56. Brenner 1997.

    57. Massing 1987.

    58. This led to the resignations of many and the eventual reconstruction of the Socialist Party USA with the left wing of the former organization.

    59. Sims 1992, 46ff.; Massing 1987.

    60. Sims 1992, 46.

    61. Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, AEI biography:,scholarID.32/scholar2.asp

    62. Kaufman 2000, 296

    63. Forward, August 20, 1999.

    64. C. Gershman. A democracy strategy for the Middle East.; Dec. 12, 2003.

    65. C. Gershman. After the bombings: My visit to Turkey and Istanbul’s Jewish community. Dec. 27, 2003.

    66. Massing 1987.

    67. Paul 2003.

    68. For democracy in Iraq and the Middle East. Resolution of January 2003.

    69. Muravchik 2002.

    70. M. Kampelman. Trust the United Nations? Undated; available at as of May 2004. The article has the following description of Kampelman: Max M. Kampelman was counselor of the State Department; U.S. ambassador to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe; and ambassador and U.S. negotiator with the Soviet Union on Nuclear and Space Arms. He is now chairman emeritus of Freedom House; the American Academy of Diplomacy; and the Georgetown University Institute for the Study of Diplomacy.

    71. Ehrman 1995.

    72. Schlesinger 1947, 256.

    73. Hook 1987, 432–460; Ehrman, 47.

    74. Ehrman, 50.

    75. Tucker (1999) later argued that the United States should avoid the temptations of dominion in a unipolar world. It should attempt to spread democracy by example rather than force, and should achieve broad coalitions for its foreign policy endeavors.

    76. Gerson 1996, 161–162.

    77. Kristol 2003.

    78. See Ehrman 1995, 63–96. Moynihan was especially close to Norman Podhoretz, editor of Commentary, who was Moynihan’s “unofficial advisor and writer” during his stint as UN ambassador (Ehrman 1995, 84).

    79. Moynihan 1975/1996.

    80. Miele 2002, 36–38.

    81. Moynihan 1975/1996, 96.

    82. See MacDonald 1998/2004, Ch. 5; MacDonald 2003.

    83. See MacDonald 1998/2004, Ch. 5; MacDonald 2003.

    84. Patai & Patai 1989. See discussion in MacDonald 1998/2004, Ch. 7.

    85. Gerson 1996, 162.

    86. Wisse 1981/1996.

    87. Wisse 1981/1996, 192.

    88. Wisse 1981/1996, 193.

    89. Wisse 1981/1996, 193.

    90. Wisse singles out Arthur Hertzberg as an example of an American Jew critical of Begin’s government. Hertzberg continues to be a critic of Israeli policies, especially of the settlement movement. In a New York Times op-ed piece “The price of not keeping peace” of August, 27, 2003, Hertzberg urges the United States to cease funding the expansion of Jewish settlements while also preventing the Palestinians' access to foreign funds used for violence against Israel:

    The United States must act now to disarm each side of the nasty things that they can do to each other. We must end the threat of the settlements to a Palestinian state of the future. The Palestinian militants must be forced to stop threatening the lives of Israelis, wherever they may be. A grand settlement is not in sight, but the United States can lead both parties to a more livable, untidy accommodation.

    91. Reviewed in MacDonald 2003.

    92. See Friedman 1995, 257ff.

    93. Friedman 1995, 72.

    94. MacDonald, in press. In recent years mainstream Jewish groups such as the AJCommittee have supported some forms of affirmative action, as in the recent University of Michigan of 2003 case.

    95. Glazer 1969, 36.

    96. Friedman 1995, 230.

    97. Liebman 1979, 561; MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 3.

    98. Ehrman 1995, 38.

    99. Ehrman 43.

    100. Ehrman, 46

    101. Ehrman, 174.

    102. Francis 2004, 7.

    103. Francis 2004, 9.

    104. Francis 2004, 11–12.

    105. MacDonald 1998/2002, preface to the paperback edition and Ch. 7.

    106. Wattenberg 1984, 84.

    107. Pipes 2001; see also Pipes’ Middle East Forum website:; Steinlight 2001, 2004.

    108. In Buchanan 2004.

    109. Ibid.

    110. Ehrman, 62.

    111. In Kaufman 2000, 13.

    112. Kaufman 2000, 263.

    113. Kaufman 2000, 47.

    114. Kaufman 2000, 295. Kaufman footnotes the last assertion with a reference to an interview with Daniel Patrick Moynihan, July 28, 1996.

    115. Hersh 1982.

    116. Kaufman 2000, 172; Waldman 2004.

    117. Z. Brzezinski, in Kaufman 2000, 351.

    118. Kaufman 2000, 374. Despite his strong support for Israel, Jackson drew the line at support for the Likud Party, which came into power in 1977 with the election of Menachem Begin. Whereas the Likud policy has been to seize as much of the West Bank as possible and relegate the Palestinians to isolated, impotent Bantustan-like enclaves, Jackson favored full sovereignty for the Palestinians on the West Bank, except for national security and foreign policy.

    119. Kaufman 2000, 375.

    120. Moynihan was expelled from the movement in 1984 because he softened his foreign policy line (Ehrman 1995, 170).

    121. Kaufman 2000, 308.

    122. Ehrman 1995, 95.

    123. Diggins 2004.

    124. Kaufman 2000, 446.

    125. Ibid., 447.

    126. It’s interesting that Commentary continued to write of a Soviet threat even after the fall of the Soviet Union, presumably because they feared a unipolar world in which Israel could not be portrayed as a vital ally of the United States (Ehrman 1995, 175–176).

    127. Ehrman 1995, 181.

    128. Ehrman 1995, 182.

    129. Kirkpatrick 1979/1996.

    130. Ibid., 71.

    131. MacDonald 2002.

    132. Ehrman 1995, 192.

    133. Ehrman 1995, 197.

    134. Lobe 2003a.

    135. Strauss 1962/1994.

    136. Ibid., 44.

    137. Dannhauser 1996, 160.

    138. Dannhauser 1996, 169–170; italics in text. Dannhauser concludes the passage by noting, “I know for I am one of them.” Dannhauser poses the Athens/Jerusalem dichotomy as a choice between “the flatland of modern science, especially social science, and the fanaticism in the Mea Shaarim section of Jerusalem (incidentally, I would prefer the latter)” (p. 160).

    139. Strauss 1962/1994;Tarcov & Pangle 1987; Holmes 1993, 61–87.

    140. Holmes 1993, 63.

    141. In Jaffa 1999, 44.

    142. Himmelfarb (1974, 61): “There are many excellent teachers. They have students. Strauss had disciples.” Levine 1994, 354: “This group has the trappings of a cult. After all, there is a secret teaching and the extreme seriousness of those who are ‘initiates.’” See also Easton 2000, 38; Drury 1997, 2.

    143. Strauss 1952, 36.

    144. Drury 1997; Holmes 1993; Tarcov & Pangle 1987, 915. Holmes summarizes this thesis as follows (74): “The good society, on this model, consists of the sedated masses, the gentlemen rulers, the promising puppies, and the philosophers who pursue knowledge, manipulate the gentlemen, anesthetize the people, and housebreak the most talented young.”

    145. Easton 2000, 45, 183.

    146. Holmes 1993, 74.

    147. Levine 1994, 366.

    148. Strauss 1952, Ch. 2.

    149. MacDonald 1998/2002.

    150. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 7.

    151. MacDonald 1998/2002, passim.

    152. Massing 1987.

    153. Hook 1987, 46.

    154. Hook 1987, 123.

    155. Hook 1987, 179.

    156. Hook 1987, 244.

    157. Hook 1987, 246.

    158. Hook 1987, 598.

    159. Muravchik 2002.

    160. Hook 1987, 600.

    161. Hook 1989.

    162. MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 6.

    163. Hook 1987, 420: Anti-Semitism in the USSR “had a sobering effect upon intellectuals of Jewish extraction, who had been disproportionately represented among dissidents and radicals.”

    164. Hook 1989, 480–481.

    165. Saba 1984.

    166. Green 2004.

    167. Saba 1984; Green 2004.

    168. Dershowitz 1994; Jones 1996.

    169. Green 2004.

    170. Frum & Perle 2003.

    171. Krauthammer. Democratic realism: An American foreign policy for a unipolar world. Irving Kristol lecture at the American Enterprise Institute, Feb. 10, 2004.

    172. Ibid.

    173. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Chaps. 7, 8.

    174. Krauthammer. He tarries: Jewish messianism and the Oslo peace. Lecture given at Bar-Ilan University, June 10, 2002;; see also Jerusalem Post, June 11, 2002.

    175. See MacDonald 2003a, 2003b.

    176. Krauthammer 2002.

    177. Krauthammer 2004a.

    178. Mann 2004, 23.

    179. Hirsh 2003.

    180. Mann 2004, 23, 30.

    181. Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz interview with Sam Tannenhaus of Vanity Fair, May 9, 2003. United States Department of Defense News Transcript.

    182. Ephron & Lipper 2002.

    183. Curtiss 2003.

    184. Locke 2002.

    185. Locke 2002.

    186. Bellow 2000, 27.

    187. Bellow 2000, 56.

    188. Bellow 2000, 103.

    189. Bellow 2000, 101.

    190. Cuddihy 1974. See Bellow 2000, 57–58.

    191. Bellow 2000, 174.

    192. Bellow 2000, 61.

    193. Bellow 2000, 178–179.

    194. Bellow 2000, 179.

    195. Bellow 2000, 58.

    196. Keller 2002.

    197. Green 2004.

    198. Ibid., 139–164.

    199. Woodward 2004, 21.

    200. Mann 2004, 302.

    201. Clarke 2004, 32.

    202. Christison & Christison 2003.

    203. Ibid.

    204. Muravchik 2003.

    205. Mann 2004, 170; see also 79–81; 113.

    206. Perle interview on BBC’s Panorama, in Lobe 2003c.

    207. Findley 1989, 160; Green 2004.

    208. Hilzenrath 2004.

    209. Oberg 2003.

    210. Brownfield 2003.

    211. Muravchik, 2003.

    212. Hilzenrath 2004.

    213. A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm. Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies Report, 1996.; see:

    214. Yinon 1982.

    215. Wilson 2004, 484; Wilson suggests that Scooter Libby or Elliott Abrams revealed that his wife, Valerie Plame was a CIA agent in retaliation for Wilson’s failure to find evidence supporting purchase of material for nuclear weapons by Iraq.

    216. Hersh 2004.

    217. Lobe 2002b.

    218. Ehrman 1995, 139.

    219. Besharov & Sullivan 1996, 21; Besharov apparently did not take a position as moderator of a debate between Elliott Abrams and Seymour Martin Lipset on whether the American Jewish community could survive only as a religious community (the Diamondback, student newspaper at the University of Maryland, College Park, MD, Dec. 9, 1997; Another prominent neocon, Ben Wattenberg, who is a senior fellow at AEI, is very upbeat about interracial marriage and immigration generally—the better to create a “universal nation” (Wattenberg 2001). Wattenberg’s article notes, with no apparent concern, that Jews have high rates of intermarriage as well.

    220. Abrams 1997, ix.

    221. See MacDonald 1998/2002, preface to the First Paperback Edition and chap. 7.

    222. Abrams 1997, 188.

    223. Risen 2004.

    224. Kwiatkowski 2004b.

    225. Kwiatkowski 2004a.

    226. Bamford 2004, 279.

    228. Kamen 2003.

    229. Dizard 2004. Dizard notes:

    Why did the neocons put such enormous faith in Ahmed Chalabi, an exile with a shady past and no standing with Iraqis? One word: Israel. They saw the invasion of Iraq as the precondition for a reorganization of the Middle East that would solve Israel’s strategic problems, without the need for an accommodation with either the Palestinians or the existing Arab states. Chalabi assured them that the Iraqi democracy he would build would develop diplomatic and trade ties with Israel, and eschew Arab nationalism. Now some influential allies believe those assurances were part of an elaborate con, and that Chalabi has betrayed his promises on Israel while cozying up to Iranian Shia leaders.

    230. Friends of Israel are turning up in the strangest places. American Conservative, May 24, 2004, 19.

    231. Mann 2004, 75.

    232. Kwiatkowski 2004b. Hersh 2003: “‘They [the CIA] see themselves as outsiders,’ a former C.I.A. expert who spent the past decade immersed in Iraqi-exile affairs said of the Special Plans people.”

    233. Lobe 2003c.

    234. Marshall 2004: “Shlomo Brom, a former Israeli intelligence officer now at the Jaffe Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, has confirmed that Israeli intelligence played a major role in bolstering the administration’s case for attacking Iraq. The problem, Brom maintains, is that the information was not reliable.”

    235. E.g., Hersh 2003; Bamford 2004.

    236. See Green 2004.

    237. Green 2004.

    238. Milstein 1991.

    239. Laughland 2003.

    240. Ledeen 2002.

    241. See Bamford 2004, 96–101, 138–145.

    242. Waldman 2004.

    243. Waldman 2004.

    244. See MacDonald 2002.

    245. Lewis 2002.

    246. Waldman 2004.

    247. Woodward 2004, 416

    248. PNAC Letter to President Clinton, Jan. 26, 1998; PNAC Letter to Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich and Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, May 29, 1998

    249. Samber 2000.

    250. Ibid.

    251. Rosenblum 2002. See also Milbank 2002. In a later column, Rosenblum (2003) noted,

    Now [Sharansky] delivered the same message to Cheney: No matter how many conditions Bush placed on the creation of a Palestinian state under Arafat, any such announcement would constitute a reward for two years of non-stop terror against Israeli civilians. The normally laconic Cheney shot to attention when he heard these words. ‘But your own government has already signed off on this,’ he told Sharansky, confirming the latter’s worst suspicions. Sharansky nevertheless repeated, as Cheney scribbled notes, that without the removal of Arafat and the entire junta from Tunis, the creation of an atmosphere in which Palestinians could express themselves without fear of reprisal, and the cessation of incitement against Israel in the Palestinian schools and media peace is impossible. President Bush’s upcoming speech had already undergone 30 drafts at that point. It was about to undergo another crucial shift based on Sharansky’s conversation with Cheney. Two days later, on June 24, 2002, President Bush announced at the outset, ‘Peace requires a new and different Palestinian leadership.’ He did not mention Yasir Arafat once.

    252. Drew 2003.

    253. Woodward 2004, 409–412.

    254.; other signatories include William Kristol, Gary Bauer, Jeffrey Bell, William J. Bennett, Ellen Bork, Linda Chavez, Eliot Cohen, Midge Decter, Thomas Donnelly, Nicholas Eberstadt, Hillel Fradkin, Frank Gaffney, Jeffrey Gedmin, Reuel Marc Gerecht, Charles Hill, Bruce P. Jackson, Donald Kagan, Robert Kagan, John Lehman, Tod Lindberg, Rich Lowry, Clifford May, Joshua Muravchik, Martin Peretz, Richard Perle, Daniel Pipes, Norman Podhoretz, Stephen P. Rosen, Randy Scheunemann, Gary Schmitt, William Schneider, Jr., Marshall Wittmann, R. James Woolsey.

    255. United States National Security Background Guide; University of Chicago: Chicago Model United Nations VI, Feb. 13, 2001;


    256. Pincus & Priest 2003; Bamford 2004, 368–370.

    257. Keller 2002; see also Woodward 2004, 48.

    258. Lobe 2002a; Mann 2004, 208–210.

    259. Decter 2003, 41–43.

    260. ZOA news release, Aug. 7, 2002. ZOA National President Morton A. Klein said: “Israel has the greater historical, legal, and moral right to Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. At the very least, those areas should be called disputed territories, not occupied territories, since the term ‘occupied’ clearly suggests that the ‘occupier’ has no right to be there. We strongly applaud Secretary Rumsfeld's courageous and principled stance in distancing himself from the ‘occupied territory’ fallacy.”

    261. Woodward 2004, 416.

    263. Whitaker 2002.

    266. Vest 2002.

    267. Vest ibid.

    268. Vest ibid.

    269. See MacDonald 2003a.

    270. Findley 1989; MacDonald 2003a.

    271. See MacDonald 1998/2002, preface.

    272. MacDonald 2003a.

    273. MacDonald, 1998/2002, chap. 7.

    274. MacDonald 1998/2004.

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