Jews form a cohesive, mutually reinforcing core.
The current situation in the United States is really an awesome
display of Jewish power and influence. People who are very strongly
identified as Jews maintain close ties to Israeli politicians and
military figures and to Jewish activist organizations and pro-Israeli
lobbying groups while occupying influential policy-making positions in
the defense and foreign policy establishment. These same people, as well
as a chorus of other prominent Jews, have routine access to the most
prestigious media outlets in the United States. People who criticize
Israel are routinely vilified and subjected to professional abuse.270
Perhaps the most telling feature of this entire state of affairs is
the surreal fact that in this entire discourse Jewish identity is not
mentioned. When Charles Krauthammer, Bill Kristol, Michael Rubin,
William Safire, Robert Satloff, or the legions of other prominent media
figures write their reflexively pro-Israel pieces in the New York
Times, the Wall Street Journal, or the Los Angeles
Times, or opine on the Fox News Network, there is never any mention
that they are Jewish Americans who have an intense ethnic interest in
Israel. When Richard Perle authors a report for an Israeli think tank;
is on the board of directors of an Israeli newspaper; maintains close
personal ties with prominent Israelis, especially those associated with
the Likud Party; has worked for an Israeli defense company; and,
according to credible reports, was discovered by the FBI passing
classified information to Israel—when, despite all of this, he is a
central figure in the network of those pushing for wars to rearrange the
entire politics of the Middle East in Israel’s favor, and with nary a
soul having the courage to mention the obvious overriding Jewish loyalty
apparent in Perle’s actions, that is indeed a breathtaking display of
One must contemplate the fact that American Jews have managed to
maintain unquestioned support for Israel over the last thirty-seven
years, despite Israel’s seizing land and engaging in a brutal
suppression of the Palestinians in the occupied territories—an
occupation that will most likely end with expulsion or complete
subjugation, degradation, and apartheid. During the same period Jewish
organizations in America have been a principal force—in my view the main
force—for transforming America into a state dedicated to suppressing
ethnic identification among Europeans, for encouraging massive
multiethnic immigration into the U.S., and for erecting a legal system
and cultural ideology that is obsessively sensitive to the complaints
and interests of non-European ethnic minorities—the culture of the Holocaust.271 All this is done without a whisper of
double standards in the aboveground media.
I have also provided a small glimpse of the incredible array of
Jewish pro-Israel activist organizations, their funding, their access to
the media, and their power over the political process. Taken as a whole,
neoconservatism is an excellent illustration of the key traits behind
the success of Jewish activism: ethnocentrism, intelligence and wealth,
psychological intensity, and aggressiveness.272 Now imagine a similar level of
organization, commitment, and funding directed toward changing the U.S.
immigration system put into law in 1924 and 1952, or inaugurating the
revolution in civil rights, or the post-1965 countercultural revolution:
In the case of the immigration laws we see the same use of prominent
non-Jews to attain Jewish goals, the same access to the major media, and
the same ability to have a decisive influence on the political process
by establishing lobbying organizations, recruiting non-Jews as important
players, funneling financial and media support to political candidates
who agree with their point of view, and providing effective leadership
in government.273 Given this state of affairs, one can
easily see how Jews, despite being a tiny minority of the U.S.
population, have been able to transform the country to serve their
interests. It’s a story that has been played out many times in Western
history, but the possible effects now seem enormous, not only for
Europeans but literally for everyone on the planet, as Israel and its
hegemonic ally restructure the politics of the world.
History also suggests that anti-Jewish reactions develop as Jews
increase their control over other peoples.274 As always, it will be fascinating to
observe the dénouement.
I thank Samuel Francis for very helpful comments on the paper. I am
also grateful to an expert on Leo Strauss for his comments—many of which
were incorporated in the section on Leo Strauss. Unfortunately, at his
request, he must remain anonymous. Finally, thanks to Theodore O’Keefe
for his meticulous editorial work and his monumental patience.
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Trotsky’s influence among neoconservatives.
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11. B. Wattenberg interview with Richard Perle, PBS,
November 14, 2002 (www.pbs.org/thinktank/transcript1017.html).
The entire relevant passage from the interview follows. Note Perle’s odd
argument that it was not in Israel’s interest that the U.S. invade Iraq
because Saddam Hussein posed a much greater threat to Israel than the
Ben Wattenberg: As this argument has gotten
rancorous, there is also an undertone that says that these
neoconservative hawks, that so many of them are Jewish. Is that valid
and how do you handle that?
Richard Perle: Well, a number are. I see
Trent Lott there and maybe that’s Newt Gingrich, I’m not sure, but by no
Ben Wattenberg: Well, and of course the
people who are executing policy, President Bush, Vice President Cheney,
Don Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, Connie Rice, they are not Jewish at last
Richard Perle: No, they’re not. Well, you’re going to
find a disproportionate number of Jews in any sort of intellectual
Ben Wattenberg: On both sides.
Richard Perle: On both sides. Jews gravitate
toward that and I’ll tell you if you balance out the hawkish Jews
against the dovish ones, then we are badly outnumbered, badly
outnumbered. But look, there’s clearly an undertone of anti-Semitism
about it. There’s no doubt.
Ben Wattenberg: Well, and the
linkage is that this war on Iraq if it comes about would help Israel and
that that’s the hidden agenda, and that’s sort of the way that
Richard Perle: Well, sometimes there’s an out and out
accusation that if you take the view that I take and some others take
towards Saddam Hussein, we are somehow motivated not by the best
interest of the United States but by Israel’s best interest. There’s not
a logical argument underpinning that. In fact, Israel is probably more
exposed and vulnerable in the context of a war with Saddam than we are
because they’re right next door. Weapons that Saddam cannot today
deliver against us could potentially be delivered against Israel. And
for a long time the Israelis themselves were very reluctant to take on
Saddam Hussein. I’ve argued this issue with Israelis. But it’s a nasty
line of argument to suggest that somehow we’re confused about where our
Ben Wattenberg: It’s the old dual loyalty
12. Chalabi’s status with the neocons is in flux because
of doubts about his true allegiances. See Dizard 2004.
13. MacDonald 1998/2002, Chs. 3, 7; Klehr 1978, 40;
Liebman 1979, 527ff; Neuringer 1980, 92; Rothman & Lichter 1982, 99;
Svonkin 1997, 45, 51, 65, 71–72.
16. MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 7; Hollinger 1996,
23. The Times and Iraq. New York Times, May 26,
2004, A10. Okrent (2004) notes that the story was effectively buried by
printing it on p. A10.
25. See examples in MacDonald 1998/2002, Preface to the
first paperback edition.
26. Tifft & Jones 1999, 38.
27. MacDonald 2003b; Massing 2002.
33.ADL Urges Senator Hollings to Disavow Statements on
Jews and the Iraq War. ADL press release, May 14, 2004; www.adl.org/PresRele/ASUS_12/4496_12.htm.
These sentiments were shortly followed by a similar assessment by the
American Board of Rabbis which “drafted a resolution demanding that
Senator Hollings immediately resign his position in the Senate, and
further demanded that the Democratic Party condemn Hollings’ blatant and
overt anti-Semitism, as well” (USA Today, May 24, 2004)
the American Board of Rabbis is an Orthodox Jewish group that regards
Sharon’s policies as too lenient and advocates assassination of all PLO
leaders: see www.angelfire.com/ny2/abor/
An article of mine on this issue (MacDonald 2003c), published by
Vdare.com, was also said to be “anti-Semitic” by the Southern Poverty
Law Center: “Civil rights group condemns work of CSULB professor”;
Daily Forty-Niner (California State University–Long Beach)
54(119), May 16, 2004. www.csulb.edu/~d49er/archives/2004/spring/news/volLIVno119-civil.shtml
34. Daily Google-News searches from May 6, 2004 to May
29, 2004. During this period, several articles on the topic appeared in
the Forward, and there were articles in the Baltimore Jewish
Times and the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Summary articles
written in the Jerusalem Post and Ha'aretz more than three
weeks after the incident focused on anxiety among American Jews that
Jews would be blamed for the Iraq war. (J. Zacharia, “Jews fear being
blamed for Iraq war,” Jerusalem Post, May 29, 2004; N. Guttman,
Prominent U.S. Jews, Israel blamed for start of Iraq War,”
Ha'aretzMay 31, 2004).There were no articles on this topic in
Hollinger-owned media in the United States.
37. Goldberg 2003; Kaplan 2003; Lind 2003; Wald 2003.
42. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 4.
45. Cannon was not Jewish but lived his life in a very
Jewish milieu. He was married to Rose Karsner.
46. Drucker 1994, 43; “A younger, Jewish Trotskyist
milieu began to form around him in New York” (35).
55. A short history of the Socialist Party USA. http://sp-usa.org/spri/sp_usa_history.htm
As with everything else, there was an evolution of their views on
Zionism. The Shachtmanite journal, the New International,
published two articles by Hal Draper (1956, 1957) that were quite
critical of Israel; this journal ceased publication in 1958 when the
Shachtmanites merged with the Socialist Party USA.
58. This led to the resignations of many and the
eventual reconstruction of the Socialist Party USA with the left wing of
the former organization.
59. Sims 1992, 46ff.; Massing 1987.
61. Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, AEI biography:
63. Forward, August 20, 1999.
68. For democracy in Iraq and the Middle East.
Resolution of January 2003.
70. M. Kampelman. Trust the United Nations? Undated;
available at www.socialdemocrats.org/kampelmanhtml.html
as of May 2004. The article has the following description of Kampelman:
Max M. Kampelman was counselor of the State Department; U.S. ambassador
to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe; and ambassador
and U.S. negotiator with the Soviet Union on Nuclear and Space Arms. He
is now chairman emeritus of Freedom House; the American Academy of
Diplomacy; and the Georgetown University Institute for the Study of
72. Schlesinger 1947, 256.
73. Hook 1987, 432–460; Ehrman, 47.
75. Tucker (1999) later argued that the United States
should avoid the temptations of dominion in a unipolar world. It should
attempt to spread democracy by example rather than force, and should
achieve broad coalitions for its foreign policy endeavors.
76. Gerson 1996, 161–162.
78. See Ehrman 1995, 63–96. Moynihan was especially
close to Norman Podhoretz, editor of Commentary, who was
Moynihan’s “unofficial advisor and writer” during his stint as UN
ambassador (Ehrman 1995, 84).
81. Moynihan 1975/1996, 96.
82. See MacDonald 1998/2004, Ch. 5; MacDonald 2003.
83. See MacDonald 1998/2004, Ch. 5; MacDonald 2003.
84. Patai & Patai 1989. See discussion in MacDonald
1998/2004, Ch. 7.
87. Wisse 1981/1996, 192.
88. Wisse 1981/1996, 193.
89. Wisse 1981/1996, 193.
90. Wisse singles out Arthur Hertzberg as an example of
an American Jew critical of Begin’s government. Hertzberg continues to
be a critic of Israeli policies, especially of the settlement movement.
In a New York Times op-ed piece “The price of not keeping peace”
of August, 27, 2003, Hertzberg urges the United States to cease funding
the expansion of Jewish settlements while also preventing the
Palestinians' access to foreign funds used for violence against Israel:
The United States must act now to disarm each side of the
nasty things that they can do to each other. We must end the threat of
the settlements to a Palestinian state of the future. The Palestinian
militants must be forced to stop threatening the lives of Israelis,
wherever they may be. A grand settlement is not in sight, but the
United States can lead both parties to a more livable, untidy
91. Reviewed in MacDonald 2003.
92. See Friedman 1995, 257ff.
94. MacDonald, in press. In recent years mainstream
Jewish groups such as the AJCommittee have supported some forms of
affirmative action, as in the recent University of Michigan of 2003
97. Liebman 1979, 561; MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch.
104. Francis 2004, 11–12.
105. MacDonald 1998/2002, preface to the paperback
edition and Ch. 7.
106. Wattenberg 1984, 84.
111. In Kaufman 2000, 13.
114. Kaufman 2000, 295. Kaufman footnotes the last
assertion with a reference to an interview with Daniel Patrick Moynihan,
July 28, 1996.
116. Kaufman 2000, 172; Waldman 2004.
117. Z. Brzezinski, in Kaufman 2000, 351.
118. Kaufman 2000, 374. Despite his strong support for
Israel, Jackson drew the line at support for the Likud Party, which came
into power in 1977 with the election of Menachem Begin. Whereas the
Likud policy has been to seize as much of the West Bank as possible and
relegate the Palestinians to isolated, impotent Bantustan-like enclaves,
Jackson favored full sovereignty for the Palestinians on the West Bank,
except for national security and foreign policy.
120. Moynihan was expelled from the movement in 1984
because he softened his foreign policy line (Ehrman 1995,
126. It’s interesting that Commentary continued
to write of a Soviet threat even after the fall of the Soviet Union,
presumably because they feared a unipolar world in which Israel could
not be portrayed as a vital ally of the United States (Ehrman 1995,
129. Kirkpatrick 1979/1996.
137. Dannhauser 1996, 160.
138. Dannhauser 1996, 169–170; italics in text.
Dannhauser concludes the passage by noting, “I know for I am one of
them.” Dannhauser poses the Athens/Jerusalem dichotomy as a choice
between “the flatland of modern science, especially social science, and
the fanaticism in the Mea Shaarim section of Jerusalem (incidentally, I
would prefer the latter)” (p. 160).
139. Strauss 1962/1994;Tarcov & Pangle 1987; Holmes
142. Himmelfarb (1974, 61): “There are many excellent
teachers. They have students. Strauss had disciples.” Levine 1994, 354:
“This group has the trappings of a cult. After all, there is a secret
teaching and the extreme seriousness of those who are ‘initiates.’” See
also Easton 2000, 38; Drury 1997, 2.
144. Drury 1997; Holmes 1993; Tarcov & Pangle 1987,
915. Holmes summarizes this thesis as follows (74): “The good society,
on this model, consists of the sedated masses, the gentlemen rulers, the
promising puppies, and the philosophers who pursue knowledge, manipulate
the gentlemen, anesthetize the people, and housebreak the most talented
145. Easton 2000, 45, 183.
148. Strauss 1952, Ch. 2.
149. MacDonald 1998/2002.
150. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 7.
151. MacDonald 1998/2002, passim.
162. MacDonald 1998/2002, Ch. 6.
163. Hook 1987, 420: Anti-Semitism in the USSR “had a
sobering effect upon intellectuals of Jewish extraction, who had been
disproportionately represented among dissidents and radicals.”
167. Saba 1984; Green 2004.
168. Dershowitz 1994; Jones 1996.
171. Krauthammer. Democratic realism: An American
foreign policy for a unipolar world. Irving Kristol lecture at the
American Enterprise Institute, Feb. 10, 2004.
173. See MacDonald 1998/2002, Chaps. 7, 8.
175. See MacDonald 2003a, 2003b.
181. Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz interview with Sam
Tannenhaus of Vanity Fair, May 9, 2003. United States Department
of Defense News Transcript.
182. Ephron & Lipper 2002.
190. Cuddihy 1974. See Bellow 2000, 57–58.
193. Bellow 2000, 178–179.
202. Christison & Christison 2003.
205. Mann 2004, 170; see also 79–81; 113.
206. Perle interview on BBC’s Panorama, in Lobe
207. Findley 1989, 160; Green 2004.
215. Wilson 2004, 484; Wilson suggests that Scooter
Libby or Elliott Abrams revealed that his wife, Valerie Plame was a CIA
agent in retaliation for Wilson’s failure to find evidence supporting
purchase of material for nuclear weapons by Iraq.
219. Besharov & Sullivan 1996, 21; Besharov
apparently did not take a position as moderator of a debate between
Elliott Abrams and Seymour Martin Lipset on whether the American Jewish
community could survive only as a religious community (the
Diamondback, student newspaper at the University of Maryland,
College Park, MD, Dec. 9, 1997; http://www.inform.umd.edu/News/Diamondback/1997-editions/12-December-editions/971209-Tuesday/NWS-Flagship).
Another prominent neocon, Ben Wattenberg, who is a senior fellow at AEI,
is very upbeat about interracial marriage and immigration generally—the
better to create a “universal nation” (Wattenberg 2001). Wattenberg’s
article notes, with no apparent concern, that Jews have high rates of
intermarriage as well.
221. See MacDonald 1998/2002, preface to the First
Paperback Edition and chap. 7.
229. Dizard 2004. Dizard notes:
Why did the neocons put such enormous faith in Ahmed
Chalabi, an exile with a shady past and no standing with Iraqis? One
word: Israel. They saw the invasion of Iraq as the precondition for a
reorganization of the Middle East that would solve Israel’s strategic
problems, without the need for an accommodation with either the
Palestinians or the existing Arab states. Chalabi assured them that the
Iraqi democracy he would build would develop diplomatic and trade ties
with Israel, and eschew Arab nationalism. Now some influential allies
believe those assurances were part of an elaborate con, and that Chalabi
has betrayed his promises on Israel while cozying up to Iranian Shia
230. Friends of Israel are turning up in the strangest
places. American Conservative, May 24, 2004, 19.
232. Kwiatkowski 2004b. Hersh 2003: “‘They [the CIA]
see themselves as outsiders,’ a former C.I.A. expert who spent the past
decade immersed in Iraqi-exile affairs said of the Special Plans
234. Marshall 2004: “Shlomo Brom, a former Israeli
intelligence officer now at the Jaffe Center for Strategic Studies at
Tel Aviv University, has confirmed that Israeli intelligence played a
major role in bolstering the administration’s case for attacking Iraq.
The problem, Brom maintains, is that the information was not
235. E.g., Hersh 2003; Bamford 2004.
241. See Bamford 2004, 96–101, 138–145.
251. Rosenblum 2002. See also Milbank 2002. In a later
column, Rosenblum (2003) noted,
Now [Sharansky] delivered the same message to Cheney: No
matter how many conditions Bush placed on the creation of a
Palestinian state under Arafat, any such announcement would constitute
a reward for two years of non-stop terror against Israeli civilians.
The normally laconic Cheney shot to attention when he heard these
words. ‘But your own government has already signed off on this,’ he
told Sharansky, confirming the latter’s worst suspicions. Sharansky
nevertheless repeated, as Cheney scribbled notes, that without the
removal of Arafat and the entire junta from Tunis, the creation of an
atmosphere in which Palestinians could express themselves without fear
of reprisal, and the cessation of incitement against Israel in the
Palestinian schools and media peace is impossible. President Bush’s
upcoming speech had already undergone 30 drafts at that point. It was
about to undergo another crucial shift based on Sharansky’s
conversation with Cheney. Two days later, on June 24, 2002, President
Bush announced at the outset, ‘Peace requires a new and different
Palestinian leadership.’ He did not mention Yasir Arafat
253. Woodward 2004, 409–412.
other signatories include William Kristol, Gary Bauer, Jeffrey Bell,
William J. Bennett, Ellen Bork, Linda Chavez, Eliot Cohen, Midge Decter,
Thomas Donnelly, Nicholas Eberstadt, Hillel Fradkin, Frank Gaffney,
Jeffrey Gedmin, Reuel Marc Gerecht, Charles Hill, Bruce P. Jackson,
Donald Kagan, Robert Kagan, John Lehman, Tod Lindberg, Rich Lowry,
Clifford May, Joshua Muravchik, Martin Peretz, Richard Perle, Daniel
Pipes, Norman Podhoretz, Stephen P. Rosen, Randy Scheunemann, Gary
Schmitt, William Schneider, Jr., Marshall Wittmann, R. James
256. Pincus & Priest 2003; Bamford 2004, 368–370.
257. Keller 2002; see also Woodward 2004, 48.
258. Lobe 2002a; Mann 2004, 208–210.
260. ZOA news release, Aug. 7, 2002. ZOA National
President Morton A. Klein said: “Israel has the greater historical,
legal, and moral right to Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. At the very least,
those areas should be called disputed territories, not occupied
territories, since the term ‘occupied’ clearly suggests that the
‘occupier’ has no right to be there. We strongly applaud Secretary
Rumsfeld's courageous and principled stance in distancing himself from
the ‘occupied territory’ fallacy.”
269. See MacDonald 2003a.
270. Findley 1989; MacDonald 2003a.
271. See MacDonald 1998/2002, preface.
273. MacDonald, 1998/2002, chap. 7.
274. MacDonald 1998/2004.